Relationship between development and freedom

Relationship between out harvest-tide and libertySen, A (2001). increment as Freedom. Oxford. Oxford University Press. Chapter 1.The cause conceptualizes suppuration as the gap between an exclusive slow-wittedness on scotch wealthiness and a broader focus on the lives we rotter lead (p.14) emphasizing that the theory of development goes well beyond wealth accumulation and gross e press outal product suppuration. The chapter examines the blood between development and emancipation, the way in which unacquainted(p)dom is a comp mavinnt of development and an long view of freedom encompassing both opportunities that people have and processes that let for freedom of decisions.The main arguments of the author is that development should be assessed by freedom of accessibility to factors such as social opportunities, health cargon, clean water, scotch security, civil rights and political freedom. Lack of accessibility means unfreedom. instruction thereof should mean that pe ople mint live the lives they want to live and precisely, how can a nation say in all entirety that it has freedom when its citizens can non afford the very base necessities of life or fulfill the rights they are entitled to?Sen goes on further to compare antithetical views of destitution in both growth and developed nation by analyzing freedoms done values, poverty and inequality, income and mortality, m cheats and freedom, tradition and culture. The author sees the process of development beyond sparing growth or physical and human capital and concludes by linking the understanding of a broad view of the development process to the substantive freedoms of people.Sens frame up contains intriguing views but he hasnt mentioned what justifies his classification into these freedoms i.e. experience of develop countries, factual historical secern or how far freedom has progressed inside each context he identified. His definition is quite different from Rapleys in which Rapley d escribes development as more concerned with flexibility and adaptability (Rapley 2007 pp 5) and so raises a question. Can development be measured only by case-by-case happiness without frugal growth and stability? Happiness, in my opinion is accommodate more towards Rapleys definition and should be adapted into the process of economic growth.Willis, K. (2005) Theories and Practices of Development. London. Routledge. p. 32-42.Willis chapter 2 of theories and practices of development analyses development theories and practices and how these theories were attached to the economic, social and political theories that developed in Europe from the 18th century. Williss interpretation raises some interesting facts closely historical development of theories and she divides her study into various theories.The classical economists such as David Ricardo, an direction of free work and Adam Smith, in his famous book, Wealth of Nations responded to the trade focus of economic insurance at th at time (p.32) when trade was a major factor of economic growth. Here, protectionist measures such as high tariffs were super utilise by merchants. Willis goes on to say Adam Smith was non in favour of this form of regulation and that it was calumnious to the countrys economic growth. Instead, greater focus on production and division of labour which will be regulated by the invisible hand of the commercialise (p.33).The Great economic crisis of the 1930s and other economic happenings gave rise to Keynes argument of the free market not necessarily a positive force but regime intervention in the promotion of economic growth while postwar reconstruction period was a time to reflect on the economic crises that occurred at that time and provide solutions to their re-occurrence. This led to the creation of the Bretton woods institutions to wait on in the promotion of stable economic growth within a capitalist system (p. 36)Willis describes the linear stages theory and makes emphas is on Rostow, the American economist and political theorists stages of Economic growth to development. Here, development was seen as a state where a large number of the population could afford to run largely on consumer products and development was viewed as modern, moving from agricultural societies to an industrial economy. While she tries to decipher early theoretical ideas, Willis has not made acquit linkages between some of these theories and how they have come to evolve in economic debates and discussions over time.Chang, H., and Ilene G. (2004) Reclaiming Development from the majuscule Consensus, daybook of Post Keynesian Economics, 27(2), 274-291.The heavy of this article is to correct the notion that there is no alternative to the Washington Consensus. The authors argue that neoliberal policies have failed to achieve their goals in developing knowledge base (p. 274) and so discuss the major development myths for justifying neoliberal policies that have been harmful to developing creative activity and perhaps as a complacency to the reader, realistic alternatives to these policies.These myths, evaluated individually, describe how these policies have lacked credibility. romance 1 In contrast to the neoliberal indemnity success, the reality is that the policy has not promoted its main aim of economic growth. Myth 2 Developed countries gained success through free market policies whereas records claim they relied upon interventionist policies for development. Myth 3 Only neoliberal policies can win in todays global environment whereas in fact there is evidence of continuing institutional and policy divergence across national boundaries (p. 277) Myth 4 Discipline imposed by international institutions to keep them effective whereby placing policy making authority in the hands of these organizations. Myth 5 The East Asian model cannot be replicated when in fact intimately developed countries utilized this model. Myth 6 Developing countries should imitate the Anglo American model of capitalism which fared poorly in the economic boom of the 1990s.The authors went ahead(predicate) to put forward alternative policies for faster economic development which includes the pecuniary system providing adequate finance quantities for investment projects at appropriate prices, enforcing rigorous laws on new foreign loans incurred by domestic borrowers, defocusing on cipher balance and maximizing FDI potentials to promote economic and industrial development in developing countriesWhile arguing for these policies, it will be sensible to circular that economies are different and there can be no go around practice policy that everyone should use (Chang 2003). Policies for development should not be primed(p) but depend on stages of development of a developing nation and other factors such as resource capacity, economic, political and social conditions.Pender, J. (2001) From geomorphologic Adjustment to Comprehensive Development modelli ng Conditionality Transformed? Third creative activity Quarterly, 22 (3), 397-411.Pender reviews how the World Banks approach to development has changed over decades and brought about grave shifts to its conditionality approach. In the light of new changes between the 90s and today, the World Bank explicate a Comprehensive Development Framework, based on a relationship of partnership to replace its erstwhile structural adjustment lending (p. 397).The author examines why the World Banks perspectives of development changed through different periods In the eighties to early 90s, GDP was used as a measure of development as the Bank was mostly concerned with rapid economic growth and sustenance for least developed countries (LDC) and the adoption of policies such as limit of state spending, controlling inflation, commodity exports and privatization as factors to achieve development.The 1990s pull lack of confidence in these policies and there were strong doubts about its competence j udging from the success of the Asian Economies that developed rapidly without the World Banks policy prescriptions. This informed the Bank to change its 1980 view about minimal state role in development and that growth by itself is not exuberant (p 401). Thus in 1990, a formulation of an approach based on both labour intensive growth and widespread provision of basic social services (p.401). In spite of these alterations, there were criticisms that the Bank reforms were not aiding Africas growth but rather, increasing stagnant economies through the implementation of the Banks policies. harmonise to Pender, the Bank lost confidence in its policy framework in early 1995, with the Asian miracle and LDCs failure and was forced to critique its proclaim policies and re-orientate. This adaption was experimented between 1995-1997 with improvements in the understanding of economic development and poverty simplification as the central focus.The author gives clear informed views of the pro cess of policy change within the World Bank at different multiplication but fails to analyze the impact of this new focus of poverty lessening and its success to the development of todays third world countries.Chang, H. (2003) Kicking away the ladder. Development Strategy in Historical Perspectives. London, Anthem Press. Chapter 1.Changs analysis centers around one question, How did the abstruse countries really become rich? He uncovers some myths about developed countries developmental experience and argues that developed countries did not develop through the same policies that they recommend to the developing world.This pressure from developed countries to the developing world to adopt a set of good policies that they adopted when they themselves were developing is face up with criticisms because historical evidence suggests otherwise and goes on to say that they are laborious to hide the secret of their success (p. 2).Some of these policies include liberalization of trade, pr ivatization, restricting macroeconomic policies and deregulation but facts show that most of the developing countries used export subsidies and industry protection, industrial policies that the WTO disapproves in the present world. The USA and UK were examples of fiery users of these same policies frowned at in contrast to the free trade policies and free market they prophesy.Chang quotes List, the German economist that Britain was the first country to perfect the art of infant industry promotion which is the principle behind most countries transit to success (p. 3). He argues that developed countries, while alleging to recommend good policies to developing countries are actually trying to kick away the ladder of their own economic development.A conclusion is drawn on some methodological issues of David Ricardos neoliberal policies to Friedrich Lists infant industry argument that while developed countries preach Ricardo to developing nations, they actually pursued Lists policies in the past.Although Chang did not confront and compare works of economic historians e.g. L.E Birdzells How the West grew rich in relation to his How did the rich countries really become rich to identify similar or different conclusions, his examination of historical materials to reach important and interesting conclusions is a parcel that is immensely valuable to the current debates on development that will plain challenge contemporary policies and enrich development theory.REFERENCESChang, H. (2003) Kicking away the ladder. Development Strategy in Historical Perspectives. London, Anthem Press. Chapter 1.Chang, H., and Ilene G. (2004) Reclaiming Development from the Washington Consensus, Journal of Post Keynesian Economics, 27(2), 274-291.Pender, J. (2001) From Structural Adjustment to Comprehensive Development Framework Conditionality Transformed? Third World Quarterly, 22 (3), 397-411.Rapley, J. (2007) Understanding Development possible action and Practice in the Third World ( 3rd edition). Colorado. Lynne Reinner.Sen, A (2001). Development as Freedom. Oxford. Oxford University Press. Chapter 1.Willis, K. (2005) Theories and Practices of Development. London. Routledge. p. 32-42.